Briefing paper on a Border Poll in Ireland from Labour Movement for Irish Unity

A Border Poll in Ireland: what is happening and why

 A briefing from Labour Movement for Irish Unity

By Geoffrey Bell

With help from

Nadine Finch

Dorothy Macedo

Amanda Nichols

Paul O’Brien

August 2025

Introduction

Many in Ireland, north and south, are now involved in discussion and debate on the political future of the 32 counties on the island. This has attracted communities, individuals, political parties, academics, the Irish government, and members of the power-sharing institutions in the north of Ireland.

A key consideration is possible constitutional change, including a referendum on the re-unification of Ireland and how and when this should occur, north and south. The debate has other components, featuring what sort of society a new, united Ireland should have. This has touched on economic, social and international alignment issues.

This discussion affects what relationship Ireland will have with Britain and the UK state. Past and the present governments there have tended to ignore this debate, however its relevance to Irish/British politics was acknowledged by the House of Commons Library in June 2025 when it published a briefing on border polls in Northern Ireland (see below).

The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) of1998 recognised that the constitutional future of all of Ireland was ‘for the people of Ireland alone to decide … without external impediments.’ Yet, and contradictorily, it left many issues in this process under the control and authority of the UK government. Most notably, the timing and organisation of a border poll. This is solely in the hands of the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

Some claim the GFA said that there must be ‘reconciliation’ in Northern Ireland, indeed all of Ireland, before a border poll is held. This would raise many definitional problems, but it is not the case that such a condition was in the GFA, either actual or implied. All legal opinion in Ireland is unanimous that a border poll will be decided by a simple majority. Irish High Court Judge Richard Humphreys explained in 2018: ‘50 % + 1 of these present and validly voting in referenda North and South is legally sufficient to trigger Irish unity…It may be appropriate for those who favour a unity outcome to seek as much support for Irish unity as possible, but that is in the realm of the desirable rather than the legally necessary.’ (Beyond the Border, pp. 84-85). Humphrey also insisted Britain is obliged under the GFA to accept the result of the referendum, no matter how many vote and how small the majority might be. The present discussion in Ireland therefore needs to be taken seriously by the British government, its institutions, and citizens. This briefing aims to aid this process.

1.Why?

 It is helpful to understand why, in the third decade of the twenty-first century, this issue is prominent.

The historical explanation lies in the political division of Ireland more than a century ago in the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. This concluded the Irish War of Independence, fought between the Irish Volunteers and the British state, who, before the Treaty, governed all of Ireland, despite many election results there supporting 32 countries self-sovereignty. The Treaty gave the 26 counties of the south and west of Ireland (where there was a large Catholic majority) a semi-Independence that was eventually to evolve to full independence. The six countries in the northeast, (where there was a pro-British and Protestant majority), stayed under British rule, but with a devolved parliament.

This partition clearly did not equate with all-Irish self-determination. Indeed, no Irish member of the British House of Commons voted for the Treaty. The consequential denial of Irish majority rule gave the constitutional settlement of 1921 an inbuilt instability that was always likely to reignite old controversies and conflicts.

The way the northern state evolved after the Treaty showed its unsatisfactory nature. The regional unionist government of the North discriminated against the Catholic minority there, and the British government, who retained sovereignty, declined to intervene. In the 1960s a civil rights movement emerged, demanding reform. While changes came, for many they were insufficient. This invited the conclusion that the northern state was irreformable. Accordingly, the national question – the necessity for 32 county Irish self-determination – returned to many agendas. So too did violent conflict involving the Catholic minority, the unionists/loyalists and British security forces, with the latter two often acting in tandem.

The GFA was an attempt to end this conflict. For the first time, the UK acknowledged and, it can be argued, subscribed to the principle of Irish self-determination. Whatever one’s views on the sincerity of this, it was clear the application of this principle was back on the table.

This was reinforced by contemporary developments. There has been a demographic shift in the northern state, with the Catholic community, who historically identify with Irish nationalism, now approximately equal to the Protestant population, who have historically been unionists. This helps to explain why Sinn Féin, an Irish republican party, came first in the most recent election (2022) for the devolved parliament in Northern Ireland. This was the first time an Irish nationalist party had secured such a success.

As for the traditional traditionally pro-British and Protestant population, this has suffered divisions and a crisis of identity, with some Protestants shifting their allegiance, most notably to the border neutral Alliance Party. Approximately ten per cent of this community voted against Brexit. This figure is similar to the percentage of the ‘six counties’ Protestant population, historically and presently, who have not identified with unionism. Moreover, the post-Brexit imposition of a border across the Irish Sea, by the British Conservative government of Borish Johnson, angered traditional unionists.

As well as the traditional communities, new ones have enriched Ireland. In the last census for the south, 87% identified as white Irish. The largest groups after that were from Poland, the UK and Lithuania. As far as Northern Ireland is concerned, while there are new communities, they are, in numbers and percentage considerably less than in either Britain (England, Scotland, Wales) or the rest of Ireland. The largest groups, according to the latest census (2021), are from India and China, but these are only 0.5 percent of the total.

2. The Debate in Ireland

Discussion in Ireland on possible reunification and the development of policies to guide this has important protagonists.

2.1. Ireland’s Future

The debate is led by Ireland’s Future. They advocate ‘the shared responsibility of delivering constitutional change within the framework of the Good Friday Agreement’, by ‘respectful political and civic dialogue that embraces everyone on our shared island… We campaign for a new and united Ireland that will be successful and sustainable. Their ‘objectives’ are:

To engage with the Irish Government and others on the establishment of dedicated governmental and civic structures to prepare for constitutional change.

To enable the creation of political and civic coalitions for the advancement of a new and united Ireland.

To contribute to debates on the constitutional future across Ireland and internationally.

To promote detailed planning for referendums, North and South, to give people a meaningful choice on their constitutional future.

The organisation formed in 2017. In 2019, more than a thousand prominent individuals signed an open letter from Ireland’s Future to then Irish Taoiseach calling for ‘a new conversation’ on building a future Ireland. They included actors, musicians, sports people and community leaders. Two thirds of the signatures were from the south, one third from the north.

After this, Ireland’s Future held events throughout Ireland. Venues included Sligo, Kilkenny, Waterford, Belfast, Derry, Cork, Armagh, Dundalk, Limerick, Derry, Dublin and Galway. Topics discussed include, ‘Beyond Brexit’, cultural inclusion, Ireland’s economy, the establishment of a 32-county national health service, human rights and trade union rights. Ireland’s Future published discussion papers on these and other topics.

Most recently, Ireland’s Future has called for a reunification referendum in 2030 and, among other mechanisms, the establishment of a 32-county civic forum to prepare for this.

Ireland’s Future is not attached to or associated with any political party. The chairperson is independent Senator and singer Frances Black, and its board members include Professor Colin Harvey from Queens University, Belfast, historian and newspaper communist Brian Feeney, and Ireland’s Future chief executive Gerry Carlile.

 2.2. The Irish Government

The current Irish government is a coalition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, with the participation of Independent TDs (elected members of the Irish parliament). Fianna Fáil is traditionally republican and Fine Gael traditionally pro-Treaty, but both can be described today as centre-right. However, both included a commitment to pursue a united Ireland in their most recent election manifestos in November 2024. At present, their main mechanism for this is their Shared Island project. This aims ‘to harness the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement to enhance cooperation and mutual understanding on the island and engage with all communities and traditions to build consensus around a shared future.’ This, says the Irish government, involves:

Working with the Northern Ireland executive and British Government to address strategic challenges on the island of Ireland…. Further developing the all-island economy, deepening North/South cooperation… Fostering constructive and inclusive dialogue and a comprehensive programme of research to support the building of consensus around a shared future on the island.

The Shared Island Fund was announced in the government budget of 2021 with 500m Euros funding. A revised plan agreed in January 2025 committed a further one billion Euros. Projects include a cable-style bridge linking the north (County Down) and south (County Louth); increasing the frequency of the rail service between Belfast and Dublin; increasing educational attainment through North-South cooperation; developing a canal in the historic nine county Ulster province on both sides of the current border; and research into further cross-border collaboration.

The Irish government has not detailed proposals for preparing for a border poll, indeed, the current leaderships of government parties have distanced themselves from such a suggestion. But politics in Ireland is evolving and it would be shortsighted to assume current political positions will not change, especially if support for unity in Northern Ireland continues to increase at its current rate. There is already criticism from within Ireland of its government for not addressing the referendum issue. For example, in June 2025, Leo Varadkar, a former Irish Taoiseach and former leader of Fine Gael, said that Shared Island should not be counter-posed to planning for a referendum, saying: ‘We can walk and chew gum at the same time.’  Ireland’s Future and Sinn Féin have made similar remarks. At an Ireland’s Future event in May 2025 in the United States, Varadkar spoke for many when he said:

Every generation has its great cause. I believe ours is the cause of uniting our island, working to build a new home where all traditions, all stories, and all our people belong. I believe building a new Ireland, a united Ireland, is the political project of our generation. It belongs to no one person, no one party, no one community, and no one government. It belongs to all of us who believe in it.

2.3. Sinn Féin

Sinn Féin is the only major political party operating in both parts of Ireland. In the 2024 general election in the south it came second, winning 39 seats behind Fianna Fail’s 48 and in front of Fine Gael’s 38. In the popular first preference vote, Sinn Féin won 19% and Fianna Fail 21.9%. In the most recent Assembly election in the north (2022), it came first, winning 29.0% of the first preference popular vote and 27 seats, with the Democratic Unionists coming second with 21.3% and 25 seats.

Sinn Féin of all major parties, north and south, has the strongest and longest record supporting the reunification of Ireland. Today, it also describes itself as a socialist party. On reunification it says, ‘We will ensure Irish Unity is at the heart of our vision for the future and will begin planning and preparing for reunification.’ It has established a ‘Commission on the Future of Ireland’, and its policy documents include A New Ireland: Ending Sectarian Segregation, The Economic Benefits of a United Ireland, A United Ireland: better for Health and A United Ireland: better for Jobs and Enterprise.

Sinn Féin says that to ensure Irish uity, ‘We need preparations across all [Irish] Government departments’ and a ‘Citizens Assembly on Irish Unity’ At the commeration of the 1916 Easter Rising in April 2025 Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou MacDonald called for north and south referendums on the border by the end of the decade.

Sinn Féin is the only Irish party to hold regular public meetings in Britain, often in the committee rooms of the British Parliament, although it does not take up its seats in the House of Commons for ideological reasons/ 

2.4. SDLP

The Social and Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) is the second largest nationalist party in the northern state; it does not operate in the south. It is the “sister party” of the British Labour Party, although independent from it. It has called on the British government to detail its criteria for calling the border poll. It has endorsed the call for a referendum in 2030. The party has established the New Ireland Commission to detail its proposals for a new, united Ireland. It has explained: ‘Delivering a new Ireland demands that we all spill our sweat to forge new enduring relationships between the people of this island and that we demonstrate to everyone that there is an equal place for all of us.’ The SDLP has promised their New Ireland Commission will ‘engage with every community, sector and generation on this island to build new proposals that can generate a consensus on our future constitutional arrangements. ...This work will be challenging... but it is, ultimately, necessary that we plot a course through the immense period of change we’re living through.’

 2.5. The Alliance Party

The Alliance Party is confined to Northern Ireland. It evolved from a liberal unionist pressure group to a political party that, as a matter of principle, takes no position on the border. It is the sister party of the British Liberal Democrats, although independent from it.

Alliance representatives have spoken at Ireland’s Future events. In May 2025 in a vote in the Northern Ireland Assembly, Alliance voted with Sinn Féin and others in calling for an all-Ireland franchise in the the forthrcoming election for a (southern) Irish president, reflecting it does have an-all Ireland perspective. Surveys of the Alliance membership show a growing support in its rank and file for a united Ireland. In a survey in May 2024, 38% of Alliance members polled said they would vote for a united Ireland if a referendum was held tomorrow, while 27% said they were in favour of maintaining the British union. In a different poll taken taken around the same time 24% of Alliance members said they would back Irish unity in the immediate future and 47% said they would be open to an All-Ireland in the next ten years.

Alliance has called on the current British Labour government to clairify its criteria for calling a border poll.

2.6. The Irish Labour Party

At the last Irish general election, the Irish Labour Party won 11 out of the 174 seats contested: it won 4.65% of the first preference vote.

Despite this relatively poor performance, due in part to reputational damage caused by earlier participation in centre right coalition governments, it retains the affiliation of trade unions and, historically, is the longest established left party. Both it and the British Labour Party have described each other as ‘sister’ parties.

The party adopted a policy paper, Uniting Ireland For All, at its conference of March 2024. This was a ‘new framework to advance in a structured way, planning for the future of our island and the conduct of a unity referendum.’  The premise was that ‘a unity referendum could be held in our island within the next decade…and that a task of this magnitude requires careful planning.’

The proposals that followed included: the Irish government should ensure adequate preparation; there should be ‘substantial civil dialogue well in advance of a poll…through Citizens’ Assemblies’; the establishment of ‘Department of Unification’; a parliamentary committee, with the participation of politicians from Northern Ireland; and ‘significant planning…in conjunction with the European Union in proposals for reintegrating Northern Ireland’. Additionally, the party called for ‘a mechanism for engaging with the government of the United Kingdom’. The party elaborated:

Central to our framework of policy proposals is learning the lessons of Brexit, while also recognising that when a referendum is called, the public support it might achieve will be contingent on the proposals put to the people.  While the UK government would facilitate the process, it is not a participant. However, its role on how that point is reached can’t be ignored, and structures will be needed for co-ordinating that planning work.

The Irish Labour Party does not organise in Northern Ireland, although it has discussed doing so.

3.Academic Research

In addition to debate in political parties, the path to a border poll and possible reunification has attracted considerable academic interest and activity.

3.1. The ARINS project (Royal Irish Academy)

ARINS describes itself as providing ‘authoritative, independent and non-partisan analysis and research on constitutional, institutional and policy options for Ireland, north and south’. It was established in 2020 as a partnership between the Royal Irish Academy and the University of Notre Dame’s Institute for Irish Studies. It ‘seeks to engage recognised experts across the the spectrum of disciplines, perspectives and points of view.’  It has noted, ‘Recent years have seen growing public debate on future constitutional options for the island of Ireland’, and that, ‘given that public discourse has already begun…the issues they raise cannot be avoided.’

ARINS has three broad areas of research and discission: political constitutional and legal; economic, social and environmental; and cultural and educational. One of the most authoritative papers published by ARINS was Getting Ready: The Need to Prepare for a Referendum on Reunification, by Brendan O’Leary, Lauder Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania. He wrote:

A positive and open attitude towards developing a strategic national plan for reunification is politically imperative. To plan is not to harass or to presume that a referendum can only go one way…Fundamental clarity is required on the model of a united Ireland, and /or on the process of constitutional reconstruction that will follow a reunification vote in the north. Securities and power-sharing provisions for British people and Protestants need to be built into the model of a united Ireland.

3.2. The Economic and Social Research Unit

The debate on a future united Ireland is, in a practical sense, only relevant if it is a prospect that entails no loss of prosperity for the majority of the northern Irish; better still if it can be seen as economically advantageous. Ireland’s prestigious Economic and Social Institute issued a report in April 2025 comparing the recent economic performance, living standards and other social data of southern Ireland (known as Ireland) and Northern Ireland (Economic Overview of Ireland and Northern Ireland).

The report found that there is a fuller employment rate for those of prime working age (16–64) in Ireland than in Northern Ireland: in 2022 the employment rate in Ireland stood at 76.8%, which was 4.4 percentage points higher than in Northern Ireland. Comparing living standards, household disposable income was 18.3% higher in Ireland than in Northern Ireland in 2018, a gap that has widened over time. Hourly wages data were 36% higher in Ireland in 2022.

On health and education spending, both have a higher budget percentage in Ireland. There, health accounts for 26.3% of per capita expenditures, compared to 17.3% in Northern Ireland. Education accounts for 10.7% of per capita spending in Ireland and 9.5% in Northern Ireland.

Also on education, school enrolment rates for 3 to 5 year olds in 2022 were 93.2% of the eligible in Ireland and 83.8% in Northern Ireland. For 15 to 9 year olds, the enrolment figures in Northern Ireland were 71% in 2022, which was 1% behind the UK average and 21% behind the figure for Ireland. For 20 to 29 year olds, 23.8% were enrolled in the UK, 16.9% in Northern Ireland, and 30.6% in Ireland. The report comments, ‘The finding that 30% of young people aged 15–19 in NI were not enrolled in education, and that this rate has been falling between 2018 and 2022, is extremely alarming.’

On hospital waiting lists, the rates of inpatient and outpatient waiting lists are similar for waits of between zero and six months; the rates for longer durations are much higher in Northern Ireland. There were 86 persons per 1,000 population on waiting lists (inpatient plus outpatient) for more than 18 months there, compared to an equivalent figure of 12 in Ireland. However, the number of hospital beds per 1,000 of the population is higher in the north than in the south, although the gap has narrowed. In 2022 there were just over three beds per 1,000 of the population in Northern Ireland and just under three in Ireland.

As the report says, ‘Infant mortality rates are an important indicator of the effect of overall economic and social conditions.’ In 2009, infant mortality rates in both parts of Ireland were’ broadly equivalent’ and below the UK average; however, since then this fallen in Ireland and the UK but risen in Northern Ireland. In 2021 infant mortality rates per 1,000 live births were 2.8 in Ireland, 3.6 for the UK and 4.8 in Northern Ireland. More generally, in 2021, life expectancy in Ireland was 82.4 years, compared to 80.4 years in Northern Ireland and a UK average of 80.7 years.

Of course, there is no guarantee the if Northern Ireland merges with the rest of Ireland its citizens will enjoy the higher standard of living that currently exists there, but what these statistics do indicate is that all in Northern Ireland have good reasons to at least examine the prospect of reunification.

3.3 Opinion Polls

Opinion polls in Ireland vary, both in quality and result. The most respected is the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, conducted by two Northern Ireland universities. The most recent results (2025), show support for no constitutional change is now 42%. This is a fall from 47% in the previous year. Support for Irish unity has risen from 35% to 36% in the same period. The trend in favour of Irish unity has been happening for some time. Twenty years ago, only 23% favoured unity. The figures for young people suggest this trend will continue; the 2025 figures for 18-24 years olds showed that 48% supported unity and only 30% did not. The expectation of a significant majority is even more pronounced: 61% of the sample said they expected to see a united Ireland within 20 years.

3.4. The Constitution Unit, University College London

The UCL’s Constitution Unit was founded in 1995 as part of the Department of Political Science. Northern Ireland has featured in three reports. The most recent was Northern Ireland: Challenges For The Next Westminster Government. The author was Alan Whysall, a senior research associate at the Constitution Unit, and former senior British civil servant in the Northern Ireland Office of the UK government. The report was published in June 2024, just before the formation of a new Labour government. The Unit noted this in its introduction:

The new Westminster government will face multiple challenges in Northern Ireland. The stability of the power-sharing institutions, recently restored, is not guaranteed. A polarised “Union versus Irish unity” debate has emerged. Trust in London across Northern Ireland has been low.

The report suggests that a new government needs to take a different approach, rebuilding trust and relationships with conspicuous even handedness, and encouraging new thinking.

The body of the report noted:

There was little real discussion of change to the constitutional status of Northern Ireland for almost two decades after the [Good Friday] Agreement, and no sign of support for it growing. But the issues have come much more to the fore, and opinion has shifted, since the Brexit referendum, .... Among those seeking a united Ireland, there has been an enormous upsurge of campaigning activity, and some of the questions that would arise from unification have started to be discussed. For some, the fact that Northern Ireland within a united Irish state would be part of the European Union once more is a key attraction. The momentum generated is such that it is unlikely that the constitutional debate will revert to the quiescent state of a few years.

The report then said, ‘There is no sign at present that a majority for unity will arise in the term of the next London government’. However, this was written before the latest opinion poll (above) which showed the pro-union majority had been cut by half in a year. Even without that, the report said, ‘decisions that may be made by London in the coming years, and more generally the way in which it addresses the issues, [that] may have great significance, in the way the [unity] debate develops.’ Accordingly, ‘It is worth reflecting on the proper role of the UK government in planning for a united Ireland because the questions may start to be asked before long.’

The report then argued:

It is clear that a British government has a legitimate interest in the process that would follow the triggering of a border poll. It would have, jointly with the Irish government, to hold the ring throughout referendums and their eventual outworking. A transition to unity might take place over a period of some years and might well be a major political preoccupation for a British government during that time. And it is certainly in the long-term interests of people in both Northern Ireland and Great Britain that an eventual move to Irish unity, if it happens, is well analysed, debated and planned in detail in advance.

On the criteria for calling a border poll, the report said that, ‘If a vote for unity started to appear a greater possibility, it might be right for a Secretary of State to say something more about the way evidence would be assessed; it might also be appropriate to welcome advice from an independently constituted panel on polling.’

The report also argues, ‘the government should welcome good faith attempts by others to explore the constitutional questions, around maintaining the Union as well as unity. Encouraging unionism to accommodate its thinking to the new realities of Northern Ireland might be a valuable service to debate.’                                                                                                                                                                   

4. The Absent Voices

The above summaries are only a snapshot of the diverse and engaging discussions now taking place on Ireland’s constitutional, social, economic and cultural future.

While there are different approaches and opinions there is a notable consensus. That is, that these discussions are highly relevant, need to be serious, include all of Ireland, especially those in the north who presently do not support reunification, and that before any referendum takes place those who vote should know what they are voting for, or against. The British experience of the Brexit vote and how this was ill-prepared is often cited in the Irish referendum discussions as an example not to follow. Where there is also a consensus in all the opinions quoted above is that the UK government needs to address the unity prospect.

By and large, the unionist/Protestant population in Northern Ireland has not been part of this discussion. That is not because they have been unwelcome. For example, many individual Protestants, even unionists, have spoken at Ireland’s Future events, and the more realistic have admitted that the debate on unity is ‘here to stay’, as the leading unionist columnist Alex Kane recently put it. But the unionist parties have absented themselves.

This may be because they are increasingly unsure, post Brexit, of the unionist cause. It may be that the major unionist parties see themselves in competition for who will be the most hard-line unionist. And of course, it is the case that unionism has a tradition of seeing itself as a community under siege, and reluctant to engage with historical enemies. But the new demographics of the north of Ireland and the prospect of a nationalist majority there, make this stand unrealistic. The debate on Irish unity might ebb and flow, but it is not going away.

It is also the case that the self-imposed silence of the unionist parties in the north is encouraged by the example of the present British government and its similar failure to address or even acknowledge the reunification debate. It is regrettable that in this respect at least the old British/northern unionist alliance is reasserting itself. The present Labour government has repeatedly said that a referendum is ‘not on the horizon’.  The evidence in this paper and the sources cited suggests otherwise.

It is obvious that Northern Ireland leaving the UK would require practical pre-planning. But the present government in the UK seems unwilling to address this prospect. Westminster's All Party Parliamentary Northern Ireland Committee and the Northern Ireland Select Committee have also not debated the delivery of the border poll, promised in the GFA twenty-five years ago.

On the other hand, within Westminster there has been some recognition that clarification on a border poll is needed. A briefing published by the House of Commons Library on 24 June 2025, Northern Ireland: Border Polls, was a step forward. This began by noting the GFA ‘left several issues unclear.’ It continued:

For example, there is no detail on how the Secretary of State should judge whether there is majority support in Northern Ireland for unification…There is also debate as to what form a border poll should take. For example, what the referendum question should be and whether the poll should be held on the general principle of unification or on other specific proposals that have been set out for how a united Ireland would be governed.

Unanswered questions on the governance of a united Ireland include the constitution of the new state, the transfer of responsibility for public services in Nortern Ireland and the new state’s maritime border with the UK.

While there is some confusion here – the GFA principle is that it is up the people of Ireland how the ‘governance’ of Ireland would operate – this is at least is a start in recognising the border poll is a live topic requiring answers from the UK government.

5. The Contribution Britain Could Make

It is not the intention of this briefing to give a detailed prescription of how the present UK state, and its government and parliament, should react to the above discussion. But there are suggestions that can point a way forward. These include:

Respond to and promote further dialogue

The UK government and its relevant parliamentary bodies should join the conversation on a referendum and its consequences now taking place throughout Ireland and elsewhere. They should, at the very least, discuss the criteria for a border poll, and discuss this with all signatories of the GFA.

Assess the Strategic Challenges and Opportunities

A united Ireland will present challenges both for Ireland and Britain. The type of ill-informed debate that occurred over Brexit needs to be avoided. The challenges need careful and researched assessment. But so too do the opportunities, both for Britain and Ireland. The relationship between Ireland and Britain has not been a happy one. The prospect of a united Ireland is an enormous opportunity to a build a better relationship between the two islands.

Plan how the UK will assist with an all-Ireland economy

There are already significant moves towards an all-Ireland economy. A strategic but practical plan for this, covering before and after reunification is overdue. This should involve the northern and south administrations and the UK government.

Confirm rights of citizenship

The GFA recognised the right of all in Northern Ireland to British and Irish citizenship. These rights should be guaranteed in the event of unification.

Promote cross border co-operation

The UK should follow the example of the Irish government’s Shared Island project and fund cross border co-operation before the referendum. Unfortunately, in July 2025 the British government withdrew its funding for the International Fund for Ireland established by as part of the peace process to do just that. This needs to be reversed.

Plan for Northern Ireland integration into the EU

Unification will mean Northern Ireland will rejoin the EU. This will need careful preparation. The EU, Ireland the the UK should all be part of this.

Discuss the franchise for a referendum with the Republic of Ireland and the Northern Ireland government

The recent proposals by the British government to extend voting rights to 16-year-olds should, by any logic, apply to the referendum.

Promote and fund discussions in the Irish community in Britain

How would reunification affect the large Irish community in Britain? And the rights of that community post unification? How should that community be involved and consulted about unification? This is a particularly under-developed discussion and funding for a grass-roots discussion on this would be a gesture of good will by the British government. It could be done in partnership with the Irish government.

LABOUR MOVEMENT FOR IRISH UNITY: WHO WE ARE

LMIU believes in self-determination for the Irish people and supports reunification of Ireland under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The British government should start preparations for a Border Poll now.

We promote discussion here in Britain of both contemporary and historical issues and ongoing injustices in Ireland. We work to broaden networks of debate and influence.

A debate is happening in Ireland, across the whole island, about future constitutional status. Labour Movement for Irish Unity (LMIU) is committed to supporting that debate in Britain.

We call on the British government to listen to the voice of the Irish people and to prepare for change.

LMIU is a membership organisation with members in trade unions, progressive political movements and parties and in the Irish diaspora in Britain.

If you’d like to find out more and get involved visit our website, labourforirishunity-newchapters.com, or contact us at LMIU2025@outlook.com

Labour Movement for Irish Unity